By Toma Hamid

The protests in Iraq (which have been going on for weeks) are executed with a lower tempo in comparison with many other countries in the Middle East and North Africa and thus are neglected to a large extent by the media, these protests are more widespread and there is a wave of strikes, as a most effective form of protest, across the country.   These protests, regardless of their ultimate outcome have changed political equations and inaugurated a new era in this country for many reasons: The issues and concerns of the masses have been, for the first time, imposed on the agenda of the government. The government which is paralysed by internal fighting and unprecedented levels of corruption is now forced to deal with the issues which trouble the ordinary people on a daily basis. These protests have been widespread and extend from the city of Suleimanyia to the north to the city of Basra in the south and involve most of the cities and towns. The masses have transcended the sectarian, ethnocentric and tribal divisions imposed on the society and thus have stamped on the pillars upon which the government in Iraq is built. They have proved the claim that the sectarian, ethnocentric and tribal government is a reflection of such divisions in the society is false. Thus, they have shown that the government based on ethnic and sectarian identities is imposed on the society. These protests reflect a huge anger and discontent against the ruling groups and the living conditions they have imposed on the masses of people. Through these protests the masses are overcoming the fear from the authority and growing confidence in their ability to bring about change. They are not waiting for change from above or even through the mechanisms which the rulers call for like elections.

  The main demands across the country were similar even though the demonstrations by in large were not coordinated. The protest is against oppression, poverty, deprivation, corruption and lack of services. Now there are serious efforts to coordinate the fight which is ongoing in various cities and towns.

 The left, in broad sense and the secular segments are dominant in these protests. The religious leadership and groups stood against the movement or at least called for more patience. They tried their best to discredit those who protest against the government or at best tried to spread illusion that a change would come soon on the government’s hands.  With Sadar Current deciding against participating, this wave of protests so far has put the secular section of the society against the religious and ethnocentric forces. This time political Islam decided not to use demagogy as usual to deceive people because it has realized that although participating along the masses may confuse and muddle everything (and enable sections of political Islam to claim innocence from the crimes they committed), this can easily play against them and these demonstrations will go out of their control and eventually sweep them from power altogether. The current time is very difficult for political Islam in Iraq as the dominant partner in power. Therefore political Islam in Iraq is completely in the opposite trench against the masses and their demands. Another significant aspect of these protests is the move toward building mass councils in living and working places. Obviously we are far from having these councils work as  authority which reflects the direct will of workers and the masses of people in Iraq, be it as the sole power or at least as dual authority with the apparatus of the state; but there have been few councils formed and the struggle for this form of organization is ongoing.

Despite many illusions among the protesters the class nature of this struggle is apparent and the workers and deprived segments of the society are in the forefront. The struggle for any of the demands raised by the masses in Iraq is a class struggle. The people want significant and real changes in their lives in terms of freedom and livelihood and this cannot be achieved without overthrowing the entire so-called political process in Iraq. This fact is rapidly becoming clear for the population.

 From the bourgeoisie and its political movements and parties’ points of view, the regime in Iraq is different to regimes like Saddam’s, Libyan or Saudi regimes.   It is different in that it is plural and many sections of bourgeoisie share the power and there are elections every four years. However, from ordinary peoples’ points of views there is hardly any difference. Both these forms represent the dictatorship of the ruling class. Presence of many groups in power does not prevent them from agreeing on imposing similar if not worse conditions on ordinary people.  Despite enormous differences, all bourgeois forces agree on maintaining cheap labour and impose poverty and injustice on the masses of people. They agree on steeling the public wealth and other forms of corruption, dividing people on sectarian, ethnocentric and tribal lines. Moreover, Iraq is on the top list when it comes to lack of services, insecurity and even unemployment and poverty. The current levels of poverty, unemployment and lack of services require oppression and deceit. Therefore under this regime the workers are not allowed to form their own organizations. They have no right to strike or demonstrate.

In fact these demonstration came at a time when the government was not only doing nothing about  deteriorating services , security, growing poverty, homelessness, unemployment (despite spending billions) but the government was on attack to impose further poverty on the vast majority of the masses. It was striving to stop rations still dispensed as a part of the old oil for food program. It launched an attack on the wages and allowances to consolidate the policy of self-finance. The government also launched an attack on civil and individual rights, freedoms and secularism. Actions were taken to islamise the society through measures like shutting down liquor shops, nightclubs and increasing sexual segregation in social places. On the other hand, the ghost of sectarian and ethnocentric conflicts and fighting are always there

Even in facing the current wave of protests, the Iraqi government was as aggressive and oppressive as any tyrannical regime in the region. The government including the Prime Minister have repeatedly threatened the demonstrators. The government paid tribal leaders to stand against the uprising.   They have spread false rumours, incited against the demonstrators by accusing them of being Baathists and followers of Al-Qaeda. The governmental forces have used live and plastic ammunition, noise bombs and water cannons. They have so far arrested over 1000 demonstrators and in particular they have targeted leaders of demonstrations. The government has even arrested injured demonstrators while receiving treatment in hospitals. They have restricted media from covering events and attacked journalists. They blocked traffic to cities and within the cities to gathering places. They have prevented water and food from getting to the demonstrators. Police and security forces have raided offices of opposition parties and houses of the activists and leaders of the protest. They have sent thugs amid demonstrations to spread false rumours to cause chaos, confusion and to destroy morale and confidence, engage in provocative activities to justify the government oppression, created divisions amongst the protestors and threaten and attack them.

The most advanced parliament democracies which see free elections represent the rule and dictatorship of the bourgeoisie (which is based on waged labour and ensuring to keep the working class away from real participation in political power.) The elections are about the vision of the ruling bourgeois parties within the framework of the system, its pre-determined laws, standards, principles and values. There is contradiction between the capitalist system and the aspirations of ordinary people in a better life in every country. This contradiction has reached its climax in Iraq. This necessitates the overthrow of the government to achieve any meaningful change. On the other hand the ruling class wants to restrict the outcome of the revolutions in countries of the Middle East and North Africa to hold free elections, but a free election amid the dominance of the bourgeois class may mean nothing when it comes to living standards of people. The masses in Iraq know this fact very well.

  If the bourgeoisie in Tunisia and Egypt promise the masses with free elections, democracy, parliament and pluralism, in Iraq this card has already lost its effectiveness. For the masses of people in Iraq, a regime based on democracy, a free election Iraq style and pluralism mean nothing. None of these say anything about wages, employment, public services, and education, about the rights of workers, women, and the youth or about separation of religion and the state and education etc. This proves the fact that what exists in the advanced countries is not granted by the parliamentarian democracy but it is imposed on the system through the struggle of many generations. Elections and parliament democracy can exist along astronomical corruption, poverty, oppression and marginalization of the masses. The fight in Iraq is against this very regime and for very specific rights. The fight is a class fight which has to overthrow the current regime.  In fact for the masses of Iraq, getting on the streets is rejecting democratic regimes and elections at least in the form that is present in countries in the Middles East and North Africa. None of the demands raised can be achieved without overthrowing the entire regime even though overthrowing the regime is not on the agenda of the protest movement.

On the other hand the protest movement in Iraq still faces many hurdles. There is an obvious lack of unity and coordination among individuals, labour organizations and political groups participating in these demonstrations. There is also no prominent leadership to lead the movement. The whole movement is still showing a lack of initiative in facing various tactics adopted by the government to thwart the struggle for bread and freedom and containing the protest. There is still an illusion in the Iraqi nationalism as a solution for all ills of today’s regime. 

 Gatherings in Altahir square and other squares across the country is important as it makes the whole movement more prominent and attracts local and international support, but it is not enough. There is need to adopt other forms of protest like strikes and sit-ins and civil disobedience. In fact there are many strikes going on every single day but they are still not part of the same protest movement. There are several workers and mass councils, but this form of organization of the masses of people has to advance very quickly.

 It is important to start with committees in working, living and educational places. These should be formed of any number of people who believe in the demands of the masses, in working and living places which work to prepare for electing the councils. Both the preparatory committees and the councils then hold meetings with the masses on a regular basis to explain the demands, organize the protests, ensure security against crime or organized thugs, and take decision on following steps and forms of protests. When there are councils in few suburbs and working places then common leadership can be elected on city level, then on province, regional and country level. More councils can join later at every level.

Councils form of organization in Iraq is not only necessary to overthrow the entire capitalist system, but it is important to achieve the most urgent changes and demands. It is the best way to face the government oppression and face the possibility of aborting, destroying or hijacking the protest movement by the reactionary groups in power or opposition. Their ability to do so if the protests are restricted to gathering in main squares is very high as they are organized and have militia, media outlets and money. 

. The council form of organization is the best way to face the issue of many states within the state. The state is divided by regions, provinces, cities and towns and different Iraqi cities are practically ruled by different militias loosely associated within the centre. The militia rule through controlling the army, police and security forces.

Workers councils, suburb councils, student councils will be the best answer to fill the vacuum and secure protection and security and create a level of authority when any area is claimed from the government. It would be the best way to protect lives and property of the masses and protestors against the government and its thugs, prevent infiltration of the protest movement by thugs and to thwart the attempts to derail the process.

 It will undermine the political and military influence of the reactionary groups within the government or opposition. It is the most logical way for the revolutionary and progressive segment of the society to dominate. Through this form of organization, masses can be persuaded against organizations along ethnocentric, sectarian and other primitive lines.